Saturday 12 September 2009

Being A Richardson Foundation Scholar


The Richardson Foundation Scholarship has been truly a godsend for a nondescript Tibetan refugee like me. It has not only bestowed upon me the rarest of opportunities to study at two of the best educational institutions in Britain i.e. the University of St Andrews and the University of Edinburgh but also, by doing so, engendered in me a sense of dignity and a feeling of self-worth. Given the importance this bursary holds in my life, I feel it would be befitting if I start this blog by offering tribute to my deceased benefactor to whom I owe my education and by giving a brief account of my academic experience in the UK .

 My benefactor Dr. Hugh Edward Richardson


The late Dr. Hugh E. Richardson, who instituted this s
cholarship, was the last British envoy to Tibet before the People’s Liberation Army marched into Lhasa in 1950. He was not only a close friend of His Holiness the Dalai Lama but also an accomplished pundit of Tibetan history, culture and politics with numerous scholarly works to his credit. Dr. Richardson was among a handful of individuals from the outside world to be present in Tibet in the 1940s and to witness all the tragic developments leading up to the fall of the Tibetan nation. Considering his rich diplomatic experience as the head of the British Mission in Lhasa and his first hand knowledge of the political landscape in Tibet prior to the Chinese occupation, it would not be entirely inappropriate if I were to say that he as an individual personified a critical period in the history of my country.

Perhaps it was his fondness of the land and its people which prompted him, at a time when very few could speak with authority on Tibet, to take upon himself the task of enlightening the world about it. He continued to champion our cause even after his retirement from Her Majesty’s government service and until his demise in December in 2000 remained an active supporter of the Tibetan people’s right to self determination. For his life-long contribution towards our struggle, the entire Tibetan nation will remain indebted to him forever.

On a personal level, not having been able to meet Dr. Richardson will remain one of the biggest regrets of my life. Had I had the fortune of making his acquaintance, I believe he would have instantly discovered my curiosity for all things historical and taught me a great deal about my country’s past. His illuminating commentaries on various aspects of Tibetan history, of which I happen to own a few copies, never fail to inspire me. His written works are an integral part of my collection of books on Tibet, and will continue to motivate me to persevere and follow in his footsteps.

As a Richardson Foundation Scholar, to be a part of such an influential figure’s vision for Tibet’s future is a great privilege. For someone whose parents have not even been to school, getting a chance to pursue higher studies, and that too at reputed British universities like St Andrews and Edinburgh, is really special. Although I am only the third student to be selected by the Richardson Foundation, I am cognizant of the fact that I am following in a very long tradition of intellectual enrichment of Tibetans in British institutions; a tradition which was initiated way back in the 1910s by the Great Thirteenth Dalai Lama when on Sir Charles Bell’s advice, he arranged for four Tibetan youths to study at Rugby School, a famous British public school. Given the unfortunate circumstances we Tibetans find ourselves in, I know that this scholarship brings with it a lot of responsibility: the responsibility to work towards alleviating the sufferings of our compatriots back home and the responsibility to be a voice for our grievances in international forums. With my obligations in mind, I am committed to making the best use of the rare opportunity afforded to me, and determined to employ my British education to serve the larger interests of our people both inside Tibet and in the Diaspora.

In mid-2003, when I heard about the Richardson Foundation Scholarship and received a circular from the Department of Education for a competitive exam scheduled for November of the same year, I was thrilled by the prospect of pursuing my undergraduate career in the UK. I instantly made up my mind to avail myself of this opportunity of a life time. To that effect, I worked diligently for months on end. I had no plan B in case I failed to make it. So I toiled as if my life depended on it.

My happiness knew no bounds when I was duly rewarded for my persistence. There and then, I learnt a life-altering lesson in the virtue of perseverance. I have ever since developed an unflinching conviction that with a fair amount of hard work and determination, one can achieve anything in life.

Having topped the competitive exam, I set out for Britain in the fall of 2004, my destination being St Andrews, a cozy little town on the eastern coast of Scotland famous for its golf courses and, of course the University – the foremost university in Scotland and, after Oxford and Cambridge, the oldest university in the U.K.. With the local population of only 10,000 and away from the hullabaloo and the pollution of a big metropolis, I found it an ideal place for academic learning and introspection. I feel that my four years at St Andrews was time well spent. I chose to read International Relations taking into account my interest and the appropriateness of this subject for our cause. As my course work, I researched and wrote papers on a plethora of topics including the American constitution, Chinese foreign policy, North Korean nuclear crisis, secularism and religious fanaticism, human rights and decolonization, political strategies and diplomacy, the United Nations, international terrorism and so forth. The course gave me a comprehensive outlook on world politics and its paradoxical intricacies.

Apart from studies, I took part in a number of extracurricular activities during my stint at St Andrews. I continued writing articles and opinion pieces for the Tibetan World magazine with which I was already associated for almost a year as a freelance contributor. Being an activist at heart, I joined groups such as the Amnesty International, the Model UN and the Student Unicef, and participated in their events whenever my schedule permitted. In the summer of 2005, Prince William, who had been a student at the University since 2001, graduated and I witnessed the entire British Royal Family attend his graduation ceremony. The realization that I, a Tibetan refugee from a little known Indian town had been given a chance to study at the same institution as the future king of Britain made me feel extremely blessed.

That winter, I was invited to attend a week-long Tibetan Youth Leadership Programme in Amsterdam by the International Campaign for Tibet, Europe. During this training programme, I along with a dozen other young Tibetans received a crash course on Tibet’s political history, the Chinese government’s stand on Tibet, the Sino-Tibetan talks, media relations, campaign organization and lobbying. After my return from Amsterdam, I started contemplating how best I could put all the skills I had acquired during the leadership programme into practical use. It was when the idea to establish a Tibet Society at the University crossed my mind. In early 2007, I along with a few like-minded friends founded a society dedicated to raising awareness about Tibet. I served as the president of the society until April 2008.

In February 2007, I made a trip down to London courtesy the Richardson Foundation to interview Mr. Robert Ford who was a wireless radio operator hired by the Tibetan government and stationed in Eastern Tibet at the time of the Chinese invasion. I had read about the ordeal he had to go through after being captured by the People’s Liberation Army and branded by them an “imperialist agent”. His autobiography – Captured in Tibet -- was inspiring and meeting him in person and listening to his extraordinary story was equally fascinating. The same year the University’s Centre for the Study of Religion & Politics (CSRP) started a 10-year research programme on Tibet’s culture, religion and politics. In my final year, I got selected to do an internship with the CSRP and did a piece on the influence of Buddhism on the Tibetan people’s struggle for self determination.

In the social arena, I was able to meet students from all over the world and learn about cultures and traditions of a number of countries. I also managed to make a few friends from the Chinese Mainland, Hong Kong and Taiwan. While there surfaced many differences of opinion when it came to discussing Tibet with them, we were nevertheless able to engage in constructive debates on the issue on several occasions. During vacation, I worked a part time job to save some money for my further studies as I wanted to study beyond my undergraduate years. Apart from being able to earn some money, working with the local people helped me improve my English and learn about local customs and traditions. In four years, I flew back to India twice to spend summer holidays with my family; the Richardson Foundation paid for my flight the first time I went home. I also received a yearly grant towards the cost of my course books. In June 2008, I graduated from St Andrews University with a 2.1 in M.A (Hons) in International Relations.

As early as my second year at St Andrews, I had decided to read International Law at the postgraduate level. I believe a sound knowledge of, and expertise in legal studies is indispensable especially for a stateless and unrepresented people like us. I am of the opinion that law could be employed as a highly effective tool to further our cause and highlight our concerns. I am certain that if we construct our claims on credible legal foundations, there will be increased international support for, and endorsement of them. My intention is to play a useful cameo in our quest for international recognition by specializing in international law.

With these aspirations in mind, I applied for admission into the University of Edinburgh, which is thought to have one of the best law faculties in the UK. On being offered a place to study international law there, the Richardson Foundation once again came to my rescue financially and decided to fund my tuition fees and a part of my living expenses. I also managed to bag a grant for refugee academics, which I set aside to buy course books and to meet other miscellaneous costs. With everything on the financial front taken care of, I started my LLM in International Law at Edinburgh University from September 2008. But just when I was beginning to enjoy my learning experience at Edinburgh, I had to interrupt my studies and return home half way through the first semester owing to a string of family emergencies.

The first few months after my return were very difficult both for me and my family. An important member of my family passed away during those months and another young member (my sister) was struck with a life-threatening medical condition. During those hard times, the Trustees of the Richardson Foundation went out of their way to support me. They practically saved my sister’s life by arranging for me an interest-free loan for performing an indispensable surgical procedure on her. No amount of words can truly express my gratitude to them.

Things my family had to go through in the last few months have made me even more determined to pursue my goals. With life returning to normal on the family front, I have arranged with the University the resumption of my course from November 2009 onwards. The coming academic year will be very important for me. If I am able to get a first class master’s degree I will be one step closer to my objective. I am looking forward to picking up from where I left.

Five years of academic learning in Britain have brought about a myriad of positive transformations in me and changed the way I thought about life. But I think this is just the beginning of a long journey I have decided to undertake. To realize my dream of specializing in International Law, I have to put in a couple more years of hard work. Until then I can not afford to get sidetracked by family problems or any other predicament for that matter.

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Thursday 10 September 2009

The Shimla Convention of 1914


Mcmohan Line: India-Tibet Border near Bumla, Arunachal Pradesh



The Shimla Convention of 1914 was the first proposed forum for arbitration consisting of all the three Central Asian protagonists viz., Tibet, China and Britain. It was the first truce of its kind that witnessed the plenipotentiaries of all the three countries sitting face-to-face at the same negotiating table.

After the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s proclamation of the Tibetan independence in 1912-13, the Shimla Convention of 1914 provided an important avenue for Tibet to consolidate its independent entity and garner acknowledgement for the same from its two giant neighbours. Although the final agreement somewhat lost its significance owing to the Chinese government’s
refusal to ratify it, the convention itself recognised Tibet as being at par with China and
Britain; and conceded its treaty-making rights.

Origin of the tripartite armistice:

For the first time in the recent Tibetan history, Tibet’s political rein was in the hands of a dynamic Dalai Lama. His progressive leadership in Tibet considerably changed the political equation in Central Asia making the British and the Chinese regard him with a certain degree of importance. The Dalai Lama had been pressing for the British mediation in theongoing border conflicts with the Chinese in Kham region of Tibet. His principal priorities at that time were the consolidation of the Tibetan independence, demarcation of frontier with China and the conclusion
of hostility in eastern Tibet. His newfound friendship with Sir Charles Bell, the political officer of Sikkim ensured that his concerns get due attention from the British government.

British-India was also perturbed about peace and stability in Tibet because of the territorial
proximity of the two countries. The British wished to secure a buffer zone in Central Asia to avoid further confrontation with other imperial powers in the region. Moreover, they also realized the infeasibility of all the prior accords signed with China regarding Tibet and felt the need to reach at a binding trade agreement on Tibet. The seeds of the tripartite conference were thus sown.

Elsewhere in China, the last of the Manchu remnants had been overthrown a couple of years ago and a nationalist government had stepped into its shoes. Soon after the revolution, the then Chinese president Yuan Shikai had issued an order calling for the integration of the so-called five races [the Hans, Manchus, Mongolians, Tibetans and Turkiks] into the Republic of China. However, this declaration was entirely misplaced as the reality was quite the contrary. Mongolia had already slipped under Russian control and the Chinese forces were facing huge losses at the hands of the Tibetan army in eastern Tibet.

The Chinese were particularly apprehensive about Tibet being transformed into a British sphere of influence. Thus, the nationalist government at Nanjing persistently endeavoured to lure Tibet to join the Chinese Republic, but without much success. For the Chinese, the British mediation in the issues concerning Tibet, which they regarded as a part of China was totally unwelcome. However, they also feared that their refusal to participate in the proposed tripartite conference might prompt Britain and Tibet to entry into a separate treaty (like they did in 1904-Lhasa Convention) and thus undermine Chinese interests in Tibet. Therefore, after many delaying
tactics they reluctantly decided to participate in what was to be later known as ‘The Shimla Convention’.

The convention was chaired by Sir Henry McMahon with Sir Charles Bell as his assistant. The Tibetan delegation consisted of Lonchen Shatra Paljor Dorjee and his assistant Teji Trimon. The Chinese government was represented by Ivan Chen. The plenipotentiaries
met in Shimla on 13th October 1913 for the preliminary meeting.

The Chinese Position:

From the very outset, the idea of tripartite dialogue on equal footing didn’t go down well with the Chinese. Although by participating in the convention China in a way recognized Tibet’s autonomy , but it was adamant on its claim of sovereignty over Tibet which the Chinese representative at the conference- Ivan Chen reiterated by reclining his government’s position on
following arguments :

a). He argued that after the Mongol prince Genghis
Khan’s conquest, Tibet formally became a part of
China.

b). He cited the acceptance of titles by the fifth
Dalai Lama from the Chinese Emperor as another
justification of the Chinese sovereignty over Tibet.

c).He further quoted the military assistance rendered
by the Chinese Emperor to Tibet during the Dzunkar
and the Gorkha invasions as a potential vestige of
Chinese sovereignty. He also mentioned the reparation
of Rupees 25 Lakhs, which the Chinese paid on behalf
of Tibetans to the British in the aftermath of the
Younghusband Expedition in 1904.

Ivan Chen claimed that the Amban had the right to
station 2,600 men in Tibet to control its internal and
foreign affairs; and proposed the border between China
and Tibet to be at Gyama, some 150 miles east of
Lhasa.


The Tibetan Prospective:

Lonchen Shatra Paljor Dorjee, the Tibetan envoy at the
conference was the Dalai Lama’s pro-western prime
minister who believed that Tibetan interests could be
best served by being in friendly terms with Britain.
He and his assistance Teji Norbu Wangyal Trimon had
done their homework before visiting India for the epic
conference. They were well prepared to put forward
counter-arguments against any Chinese claim over
Tibet. The Tibetan representatives wanted the dialogue
to be conducted with precedence on following points :

1).Tibet to manage its own internal affairs.

2). Its foreign affairs to be managed for important
matters in consultation with the British.

3). No Chinese Amban or official to be stationed in
Tibet.

4).All the ethnic Tibetan areas upto Dartsedo in the
east and Kokonor in the north-east to be inculcated
into Tibetan territory.

Shatra dismissed the Chinese assumption that Genghis Khan’s conquest of Tibet made it a part of China by revealing that Genghis Khan was a Mongol and not a Chinese at the first place; and he at no point undertook any administrative role in Tibet. He corrected Ivan Chen’s argument about titles by pointing out that giving titles were mutual acts of reciprocity, if the Chinese emperor conferred titles on the Dalai Lama then the Dalai Lama also responded by bestowing titles on the emperor. He further admitted that the Manchu military assistance during
the Gorkha and Dzunkar interventions was sought in accordance with the patron-priest liaison and insisted that Tibet never asked the Manchus to pay the compensation sum to the British on its behalf .He also produced documentary evidence like revenue records , lists of houses, officials and headmen in the disputed areas of eastern Tibet to justify Tibetan claims in the region.


The British Solution:

Sir Henry McMahon found himself in an increasingly
uncomfortable position given the diametrically
opposite viewpoints harboured by the Chinese and the
Tibetans. He pressured the delegates from the two
countries to make certain compromises and strike a
deal renunciating some of their irreconcilable
assertions. With an intention to be fair to both the
sides, he proposed the division of Tibet into two
zones:

i). ‘Outer Tibet’ which roughly corresponded to
Central and Western Tibet including the sections
skirting the Indian frontier, Lhasa, Shigatse, Chamdo;
and

ii). ‘Inner Tibet’ including Amdo Province and part of
Kham.

Following were the major aspects of his proposal:

1. ‘Inner Tibet’ was to be a buffer zone for China
where the Chinese were accorded the right to establish
a measure of control, but without undermining Tibet’s
territorial and political integrity.

2. China’s suzerainty over Tibet was to be recognised
in exchange for the similar recognition of the
autonomy of the Outer Tibet.

3. China was expected to abstain from any interference
in the administration of Outer Tibet including the
selection of the Dalai Lamas.

4. China was to station only one official envoy in
Outer Tibet with a personal escort of not more than
300 soldiers.

5. China was not to convert Tibet into a Chinese
province and Britain was not to annex any portions of
Tibet.

The proposal came under attack from both the Tibetansand the Chinese. For Tibetans, acceptance of Chinese suzerainty was inconsistent with their recent declaration of independence and for the Chinese, nominal suzerainty was not a comparable substitute for their claim of sovereignty. However in the wake of continuous pressure from the British, Lonchen Shatra consented to the proposed agreement. McMahon also managed to convince Ivan Chen to sign the draft agreement by including an additional note citing Tibet to be a part of Chinese territory- which was entirely contradictory to the idea of Tibetan autonomy with nominal Chinese suzerainty.

Albeit the draft agreement was initialled by all the three participating parties, the final agreement was not approved by the Chinese government. Thus, it was decided that China was to be deprived of all the privileges mentioned in the convention until it officially ratified the agreement. On 3rd July 1914 Britain and Tibet formally signed the treaty.

Indo-Tibetan border demarcation

The Chinese government’s sluggishness to ratify the convention provided ample time for Sir Henry McMahon and Lonchen Shatra to begin separate talks for the demarcation of Indo-Tibetan border.The object of discussion was the areas between the North East Frontier Agency (NEFA) and Tibet. These talks marked the evolution of what is today known as ‘The McMahon Line’ demarcating Indo-Tibetan border. The notes were initialed and exchanged; and the demarcated maps were signed and sealed. The Indo-Tibetan border demarcation treaty was finally signed on 27th April 1914.

Conclusion:

Although the Shimla Convention was conceived with the notion of resolving Sino-Tibetan crisis once and for all, it didn’t succeed in its objective- primarily because of Chinese refusal to ratify the treaty. The Sino-Tibetan border remained as obscure as ever and the border conflicts in eastern Tibet escalated to worrying proportions. Four years after the conclusion of the Shimla Convention, the British mediation was sought once again to effect a ceasefire in the region.

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The Sun, the Moon and the Eclipses



The Dalai Lama & Panchen Lama with Mao


In the firmament of the Tibetan theocratic echelon, the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama are often metaphorically regarded as the sun and the moon respectively. As universally known, former is considered to be the human manifestation of Chenrezig, the Buddha of Compassion and later is thought be the earthly representation of Avalokiteshvara, the Buddha of Boundless Light. Their subsequent incarnations have alternatively acted as either a mentor or a disciple depending upon their maturity. Most importantly, each of their avatars have played significant role in finding the reincarnation of the other, making plausible the continuance of their pristine pedigrees.

Blame it on karma or consider it a work of destiny, the relationship between these two high patriarchs of Tibetan Buddhism has not always been harmonious. From a cordial mentor-disciple association between the fourth Panchen Lama and the fifth Dalai Lama to a scenario of direct confrontation between the ninth Panchen Lama and the thirteenth Dalai Lama, their history has been more than a rollercoaster ride. The fundamental imperial principle of ‘divide and rule’ has been instrumental in this regard. The Great Game in Central Asia, internal political strife and the Manchu influence in Tibet meant that the two later incarnates, more often than not, discovered themselves on the opposite sides of the river much to the dismay of Tibetan people.

The lives of the successive incarnate of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama narrate the tragedy of Tibet as a nation. Their lives bear witness to the gradual absorption of an isolated theocracy into the so-called Chinese ‘motherland’. Even today, centuries after the establishment of their lineage, the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama continue to be the epitomes of a lost country and the flag bearers of Tibetan hope and nationalism.

Beginning of the Yab-Say (Father-Son) liaison:
Gendun Drub (later to be know as the first Dalai Lama), a principal disciple of Jhe Tsongkhapa (the founder of the Gelukpa sect) established the monastery of Tashilhunpo in the year 1447.In 1598, Lobsang Choekyi Gyaltsen was invited to become the abbot of this monastery. It was not a glamorous job in those days as Tashilhunpo lacked sources of income to support its monks. But Lobsang Choekyi proved to be a resourceful individual. He successfully convinced the local landowners to donate enough land to the monastery to ensure its sustenance. He also built a tantric college in the monastery and under his administration Tashilhunpo became one of the greatest monasteries in Tibet.

Lobsang Choekyi had been the fourth Dalai Lama’s tutor and had ordained him as a monk after his arrival from Mongolia. However, the fourth Dalai Lama died young at the age of 28. Lobsang Choekyi oversaw the search for the fifth Dalai Lama and later became his tutor. He played a pivotal role in the establishment of Gelukpa as the ruling sect in Tibet after the civil war of the seventeenth century, for which the patronage of a Mongol prince (Gushri Khan) was sought. He was a great religious scholar and a skilled diplomat; and was considered by the Great Fifth as both his political and spiritual mentor. Lobsang Choekyi was the first to be conferred the title of ‘Panchen’ by the young Dalai Lama, which is an amalgamation of a Sanskrit and a Tibetan word meaning ‘the great scholar’. Lobsang Choekyi later came to be known as the fourth Panchen Lama because of backdating, as he was the fourth abbot of Tashilhunpo. With this began a unique bond between the two Lamas that saw more twists and turns than a Bollywood suspense film.


Entangled in the great imperial game and internal turmoil:
Internal turmoil of the 18th century and the great imperial game of the 19th century had as profound an impact on the relationship between the two Lamas as they had on Tibet as a whole. Desi Sangay Gyaltso’s disclosure of the fifth Dalai Lama’s demise after years of secrecy (to facilitate the completion of Potala Palace) paved way for another power struggle. A civil war broke out in Tibet and the opportunity was seized by the Manchus to escalate their influence in Tibet. While the sixth and the seventh Dalai Lama became victims of internal strife, the Manchus started stationing their imperial representatives, Ambans with few hundred troops in Lhasa. By that time the East India Company was well established in India and was interested in trade with Tibet. The first Governor-General of India, Warren Hastings sent George Bogle as his envoy to Tashilhunpo in 1774 to discuss the prospect of trade with the sixth Panchen Lobsang Palden Yeshe. The eight Dalai Lama was still a minor then. The regent in Lhasa rejected the trade proposal and directed the envoy to leave Tibet at once.

The sixth Panchen Lama passed away few years later. Following his demise the Qing emperor proposed the use of the Golden Urn to ascertain the true reincarnations of the Panchen and the Dalai Lamas. The Tibetans accepted the Golden Urn as a gift from the emperor; and his insistence on its use was taken more as a suggestion than an order. Moreover, drawing of lot from this Urn was at no time the principal method of finding reincarnations rather it was only seen as an addition to the already existing methods of divination. Whatever may be the emperor’s intention behind his Golden Urn idea, his farsightedness is commendable. Even today, two centuries after its introduction, the same lottery system together with the bestowing of titles on high Lamas continues to be the Chinese justification of Tibet being their inalienable part.

Six Dalai Lamas after the Great Fifth died suspiciously young; the role of the Ambans in their untimely demise cannot be entirely ruled out. Even as the Manchu influence grew in Central Tibet, Panchen Lamas were able to operate autonomously in Western Tibet and carried out their own diplomacy with the British and the Manchus alike. The power vacuum in Lhasa as a result of immature deaths of the Dalai Lamas facilitated the emergence of Shigatse as a rival centre of power in Tsang, which at a later date came in the way of the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s vision of centralization of power. The dual power centres in Tibet was chiefly responsible for souring of ties between the ninth Panchen Lama and the thirteenth Dalai Lama. While the thirteenth Dalai Lama wished centralization of Tibet under one administration, the ninth Panchen Lama (or at least his entourage) persisted on the maintenance of the status quo. The rift between the two Lamas were aptly exploited and even encouraged by the British and the Chinese for their own interests. The situation was precipitated by the Dalai Lama’s decision to levy addition land tariff to maintain a strong Tibetan army. As Tashilhunpo owned large estates, it was directed to contribute a quarter of the total military expenditure. The Panchen Lama expressed his inability to pay such a huge amount, which was interpreted by the officials in Lhasa as his confrontation of the Dalai Lama’s administration. In 1921, the ninth Panchen Lama escaped to China hoping Chinese mediation in the crisis between him and the Dalai Lama.

The thirteenth Dalai Lama passed away in 1933 and the ninth Panchen Lama in 1937 (but not before advising the search party of the 14th Dalai Lama about his possible whereabouts). Unfortunately their differences were never settled during their lifetime, which meant that they be inherited by their successors.


The 14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama:

Both the 14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama were born in Amdo province of Tibet in 1935 and 1938 respectively. While the Dalai Lama was recognized at the age of four, the official recognition of the Panchen Lama came much later (at the point of gun in Beijing in 1951, corresponding with the conclusion of the seventeen point agreement). Right from its formative days in Tibet, the Communists began to advertise the Panchen Lama to mitigate the influence of the Dalai Lama among the Tibetan masses. In fact it was the so-called letter written by the Panchen Lama to Mao requesting the liberation of Tibet, which was used as an excuse for the Chinese invasion of Tibet.

The Dalai Lama escaped to India in 1959, after his efforts to reach at a working compromise with the Chinese culminated with the massacre of thousands in the streets of Lhasa in March that year. While the Dalai Lama endeavoured to garner international support in exile, the Panchen Lama (believed to be pro-Chinese at that time) stayed behind hoping to modernize Tibet.

In the early 1960s, the Communists began implementing ‘democratic reforms’ in Tibet. They encouraged the collectivization of land and cultivation of wheat instead of barley, which resulted in famines hitherto unknown in Tibet. The Panchen Lama’s dreams of modernizing his country were shattered when he witnessed the destruction of monasteries and the deplorable condition of his countrymen on his tours throughout the Tibet plateau. His horrible experiences in different parts of Tibet prompted him to write a 70,000- character petition denouncing the Chinese policies in Tibet, which till date remains the most explicit written criticism of the Communist regime in China. Mao was alarmed by the Panchen Lama’s courage and straightaway branded him a reactionary. The Panchen Lama was directed to declare the Dalai Lama as a reactionary, which he refused adamantly (rather he showed no hesitation in urging the Tibetans to pray for the long life of the Dalai Lama). He was subjected to countless struggle sessions and thamzings during which he was charged with numerous fabricated crimes. His Tashilhunpo monastery was specially targeted during the Cultural Revolution and the mausoleums of his predecessors were broken open. The Panchen Lama was incarcerated for more than 15 years and remained incognito until his reappearance in 1978.

The events of late 1970s and 1980s revived the hopes of Tibetans both inside Tibet and in exile to some extent. Den Xiaoping’s liberalization policy, re-emergence of the Panchen Lama, the fact-finding delegations from exile and the Dalai Lama’s Strasbourg proposal were seen as the beginning of the Tibetan renaissance. Unfortunately these hopes were short-lived. The pro-independence demonstrations in Lhasa in 1987-88 were brutally crushed and the martial law was imposed thereafter. Following year the Panchen Lama passed away in Tashilhunpo, his swansong being the renovation of the stupas harbouring his predecessor’s bones and relics. Only reason for elation during that period was the Dalai Lama being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in1989.



Past tense and future imperfect:
The present Dalai Lama is getting on in years and the whereabouts of the reincarnation of the 10th Panchen Lama is still a mystery. Beijing has enthroned its own 11th Panchen Lama and it doesn’t require a Sherlock Holmes to deduce that it will come up with the same tactics once the present Dalai Lama passes away. Under the current situation very few would envy being a Tibetan, with the ruins of one’s nation behind and the possible extinction of one’s race ahead.

Existing circumstances place before us umpteen number of colossal questions, which need to be answered forthwith. To what extent is our dependence on High Lamas for political guidance justified? Isn’t the tradition of reincarnate rulers obsolete and vulnerable to foreign exploitation? How pragmatic is the idealistic blend of religion and politics in the 21st century? Isn’t it the right time to draw a line between religion and politics?

The fate of future Tibet will essentially depend on our acceptance of political responsibilities, the success of democratic institutions in exile; and most decisively on the renunciation of ‘Gyalwa Rinpoche Khennoo’ attitude. If the political indifference of the Tibetans in the Diaspora persists for say, another decade then the gravity of the resulting situation would be difficult to comprehend. Unless we embrace our political obligations now, the Chinese orchestrated eclipses of our suns and moons would be a routine affair; and the night shall really be long and dark.
Even His Holiness doesn’t want his people to be completely dependent on him. His democratic reforms in exile and repudiation of political pursuits are indicative of his will. The time is opportune for the secular leaders to shoulder the worldly affairs. Besides our aging Dalai Lama deserves some breathing space after decades of selfless toil.

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The Thirteenth Dalai Lama: A Solitary Lamp In The Tempest



 The Great Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Thupten Gyaltso


The dawn of the twentieth century witnessed the emergence of a hitherto unseen progressive leader on the Tibetan political horizon in the form of the thirteenth Dalai Lama, Thubten Gyaltso. Born in Thakpo Langdun in southeast Tibet in the year 1876, he was recognized as the reincarnation of the twelfth Dalai Lama at a time when the very prestige of his ancient lineage was on the wane. Entangled in the cobweb of secular power struggle, his four recent predecessors had been reduced to mere nominal heads and their immature demise had time and again left Tibet virtually orphaned. The political spectacle of the country at the time was also far from picturesque with substantial national energy wasted on regionalism and sectarian conflicts while the powerful empires were vying to bring Tibet under their respective spheres of influence. It was, thus, at the height of severe political pandemonium that the nineteen-year-old Thubten Gyaltso assumed full spiritual and temporal authority. Except for the two external interventions (Younghusband Expedition in 1904 and the Manchu invasion in 1910) during the formative years of his reign, his 37-year tenure can be considered to be one of the golden periods of Tibet’s history. Through sound diplomacy and tactfulness, he was able to maintain a balance of power between the Central Asian powerhouses, thus safeguarding Tibet’s independent entity. He was not only a dynamic leader but also a liberal-minded reformer who tried to bring about radical changes in the political, military and social structure of the country with a vision to synchronize the pristine Tibetan society with the developments in the rest of the world.



The Early Ordeals:


In order to safeguard its so-called strategic interests in Central Asia, the British sent a mission headed by Colonel Francis Younghusband to Tibet in 1904 to negotiate with the Tibetan government. Foreseeing the imminent danger, the Tsongdu advised the Dalai Lama to cut short his three-year retreat and leave Lhasa. The Dalai Lama fled towards Mongolia and thereafter visited Beijing at the invitation of the Qing Empress. He had been previously intimated by the officials in Kham the situation arising as a result of the frequent intrusion on the part of Chinese soldiers in this region; he, therefore, took this opportunity to get an assurance of non-interference from the Empress and perhaps to revive the priest-patron ties between the two countries. But once he reached Beijing he was profoundly disappointed. The Dalai Lama was asked to perform kowtow (the Chinese custom of touching ground with the forehead) before the Emperor in his court and sit on a lower throne besides him, he straightaway rejected the prospect of such an exercise on his part. His strong personality and self-esteem can be traced from this incident. While he was in China he met the ambassadors from America, Britain and Japan enabling him to establish necessary contacts and broaden his limited knowledge about the outside world.
By the time he was back in Lhasa, the Manchu army was already on its way to the capital .The Dalai Lama had to flee again, this time to India via Yatung. The Manchu forces under Zhao Erfeng invaded Lhasa in 1910 and their scorched-earth-policy led to substantial human casualties. In India the Dalai Lama sought asylum in Darjeeling where he first made acquaintance with Charles Bell, the political officer of Sikkim who acted as his liaison with the government of India. This was the beginning of a friendship, which lasted over two decades. On 14th March 1910 Thubten Gyaltso called on the then Viceroy Lord Minto and requested him to intervene to resolve the crisis but the British-India rather preferred to remain neutral. The Dalai Lama remained in Darjeeling for two more years before the destiny struck once more, this time in favour of Tibet. The revolution broke out in China resulting in the overthrow of the declining Manchu Dynasty. Consequently, the supplies from the mainland began to elude the Manchu army in Tibet. The opportunity was seized by the Tibetans to drive them out of the country. The long awaited kyipay nyima (the sunshine of happiness) began to bless the people again after a brief period of darkness; and the people eagerly craved for the Dalai Lama to return.


Declaration Of Independence And The Initiation Of Reforms:

Thubten Gyaltso arrived in Lhasa in January 1913 to a hero’s welcome. His experiences in exile had considerably influenced his outlook. He realized the significance of opening up his forbidden country and removing the veil of myths surrounding it. The Dalai Lama proclaimed Tibetan Independence that year and his government signed a treaty with Mongolia in Ulan Bator acknowledging each other’s independence.
From as early as 1910, Thubten Gyaltso had embarked upon some reforms. He had issued new silver coins with the name of the Tibetan Government Gaden Phodrang inscribed on them on his return from China and also set up a Foreign Bureau in Lhasa to establish ties with the foreign countries. Soon after his arrival from India, he introduced paper currency in Tibet in the denomination of 5,10,15,25 and 50 tamka. Two students were sent to Calcutta to make a study of the printing of Indian currency and on their return 100 tamka notes were also circulated. For the first time postal stamps were introduced; and the gold and silver coins were minted. He made necessary amendments in the country’s judicial system and abolished capital punishment. He founded a public school for both medicine and astrology in Lhasa with free medication provided for the poor. He knew what a blessing western education could prove to be for his people, therefore he sent four Tibetan students to England to expertise in various fields of technology. With the assistance from the British government he started two primary schools: one in Gyantse and the other in Lhasa. However the schools had to be closed in the wake of continuous objection from the monastic groups who thought such an education would jeopardise Buddhism in Tibet. Thubten Gyaltso also had plans to build road from Lhasa to Indian border and thus connect Tibet with its southern neighbour but the people living along the proposed route appealed to the government to abandon the project citing inability to pay taxes once the vehicles replace their donkeys and mules as a means of transport.
In 1914, the First World War broke out in Europe. Through Basil Gould, the political officer of Sikkim the Dalai Lama proposed to send Tibetan troops to help Britain in its war against Germany. Although an army of 1000 best Tibetan soldiers were kept in readiness until the end of the war, the British never gave the ‘go-ahead’ signal. One thing that was at the top of his agenda was the demarcation of Sino-Tibetan border. He incessantly pressed the British into arranging a tripartite conference. The seeds of the Shimla Conference were thus sown. In 1917 he sent Lonchen Shatra Paljor Dorjee as his special representative to the Simla Conference. However, the Sino-Tibetan border still remained obscure as the Chinese representative refused to sign the final treaty. He tirelessly endeavoured to win for Tibet its rightful status of an independent-state in the global arena. He also contemplated joining the League of Nations at the end of the First World War.

He envisaged a militarily self-reliant Tibet capable of defending itself against external (Chinese) threat, for that he organized a strong army under the Commander-in-Chief Tsarong. Albeit the Chinese forces had been driven out of central Tibet, there were still few soldiers along the eastern border (Kham) who were causing constant trouble. The Dalai Lama was determined to clear these hostile Chinese out of Kham. In order to overlook the developments in Kham, he started designating Kalons as the governors of Kham. He trained different regiments of army according to the four military systems (Russian, British, Chinese and Japanese). After thorough examination the British military system was thought to be most conducive and the Tibetan army was modelled along the British lines thereafter. He also sent few selected soldiers to Quetta and Shillong to be trained in artillery and machine gun warfare. Maintaining a strong army and ensuring a continuous supply of arms and ammunitions required huge investment on the part of the government. To make the ends meet he then decided to levy an additional tax. Here again the monastic groups, which owned large estates, protested against this policy. Intoxicated by their obsolete beliefs, they rejected militarization of the country, which they thought was against the cardinal principles of Buddhism.


Conclusion:

In the winter of 1933, the thirteenth Dalai Lama, Thupten Gyaltso left the world for the heavenly abode marking an end to his glorious rule. In his last testament he warned his countrymen that "the night shall be long and dark" if they weren’t sincere towards the nation. He foresaw a difficult future for Tibet if it remained stagnant. He did everything in his capacity to converge Tibet with the rest of the world. But unfortunately his petite steps towards modernity seemed giant strides for his insouciant countrymen. The conservative monastic groups and the ignorant masses maimed most of his reforms in their infancy unaware of the fact that they were inviting trouble for themselves by doing so.

Thubten Gyaltso was a patriot and a true son of Tibet. He was a lone warrior in a battlefield full of adversaries, perhaps a solitary lamp in the tempest.


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Rangzen Beckons Again


This is the opinion piece which I wrote on the eve of the Special Meeting of Tibetan Representatives held in November 2008.






His Holiness the Dalai Lama's admission last week that he is losing hopes for a negotiated settlement with the People's Republic of China underlines the fact that even a learned religious practitioner's patience, no matter how profound, has its limits. Ongoing Sino-Tibetan bilateral talks have made little progress and until now they have been nothing more than a tale of unrealistic expectations on our part and dilly-dallying on behalf of our counterpart. For twenty long years since the Strasbourg Proposal of 1987, His Holiness has endeavoured with utmost sincerity to reach out to the Chinese leadership to effect a speedy and mutually beneficial resolution of the Tibet issue. However, the PRC, rather than responding in kind, has over the years launched an unmitigated smear campaign against him; one of the most vitriolic renditions of which was brandished in the aftermath of the recent crackdown in Tibet by Zhang Qingli, leader of the Communist Party of Tibet who labeled His Holiness "a wolf in monk's robes" and "a devil with a human face but the heart of a beast". There is nothing in the world which hurts a Tibetan's sentiments more than unwarranted mudslinging of this nature directed at our Gyalwa Yeshi Norbu. For me personally, these stinging and heart-wrenching slurs were mentally excruciating and physically overpowering. When I say this, I am quite certain that I speak for many amongst us who at the time had similar revelations.

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In a Year or Two




The dusk’s gloom will vanish

The night will usher in a new dawn

In the glory of the divine light

Potala will regain its lost grandeur

By the whistling wind of change

Jhomolangma will be kissed

Monsoon of freedom it will bring

And beneath the rainbow of joy

The harvest of rangzen

We will then reap

All in a year or two, he says

But the year in question

More than 365 days seems to have

Months countless and weeks infinite

Hours incalculable and minutes indefinite

Your year is stretching longer

As my old dreams are getting older

More obscure, I fear they will get

In your year or two, I say



With folded hands we should pray

Propitiate the deities, please the heavens

Ultimately we will be blessed

Escorted by our karma

To our promised land , we will be led

All in a year or two, he says

But unanswered prayers have

swallowed 50 years

The deities seem unperturbed

and the heavens forbidden

Let's be innovative and act wise

moment is ripe and time concise

The fire will die and ashes scatter

In your year or two, I say


Our saviour is a champion

Compassionate, graceful and benign

With his charisma, our happiness He will buy

Norbulingka will then host its Master

Lhasa will then embrace its estranged sons

All in a year or two, he says

Our leader seems the lone warrior

Burdened by six million aspirations

We bask in the first rays of morning

As he toils in his life’s evening

One man army, for how long?

This indifference, for how long?

Let's sing the ballad of life now

Before we cease to matter

In your year or two, I say



America is a champion of freedom

Europe a harbinger of democracy

They will rescue our Fatherland

from its unendurable pain and misery

We will then cross the Nathula

for the first sight of Phayul

All in a year or two, he says

Our dreams are Tibetan,

Not European, not American

This fight belongs to us only

Fought it should be by us

From now, from today

Not in your year or two, I say

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